Wednesday, December 30, 2009

Solidarity With the FAU: New Protest Campaign

Winnipeg IWW @ Wednesday, December 30, 2009

http://zsp-iwa.blogspot.com/2009/12/new-protest-campaign.html wrote:
New Protest Campaign

FAU has set up a page where you can send protests to the Foreign Office in Berlin.


Click on the image to the left to get to the form.

As of writing, 1650 e-mails have been sent to Kino Babylon from the FAU Solidarity page www.fau.zsp.net.pl.

This week we will change the recipient of the protest mails; Babylon already knows what we think!

Solidarity and best wishes to the cinema workers in the upcoming year!

prisoners of COP15: address, what to send‏

Winnipeg IWW @ Wednesday, December 30, 2009

http://www.climate-justice-action.org/

7 people are still held back. Show that you're in there with them! Please write the ABC team, info@blackcross.dk and they'll print your letter and bring it to your friends. You can also mail them directly:

ABC
Postbox 604
2200 Copenhagen N
Denmark

ABC can't deliver books, zines or foods to the prisoners. It is only allowed to bring letters, drawings, original cds, money and clothes.

****
Climate prisoner update

News note, December 28th

On December 22nd, Danish spokespersons Tannie and Stine were released but still face charges for inciting for shouting push, ie. inciting violence against police (!). Tannie and Stine were even kept 6 daysafter Reclaim Power ended to prevent further riots! The charges and imprisonment are all absurd and there are still people in prison in the same situation.

Petitions are active (see above); a solidarity demo happened on December 18th; and on Christmas Eve, a little gathering was held outside a prison in Copenhagen, making noise and playing Christmas music for those still held.

Saturday, December 26, 2009

Black Seminoles: The Christmas Eve Freedom Fighters

Winnipeg IWW @ Saturday, December 26, 2009

A little late for Christmas Eve, but still, here is an interesting historical piece about black and indigenous resistance agienst colonialism and racism. Originally posed on the Kasama Project Blog:

Thanks to Observer for posting this on Christmas eve. William Loren Katz is the author of many works on the African American struggle for liberation. The following is adapted from his book Black Indians: A Hidden Heritage, from which this article is adapted. His website:www.williamlorenkatz.com.

By William Loren Katz

This Christmas Eve marks the 172nd anniversary of a battle for liberty in 1837 on the banks of Lake Okeechobee, Florida, that helped shape the United States of America. An estimated 380 to 480 freedom-fighting African and Indian members of the Seminole nation threw back an advance of more than a thousand US Army and other troops led by Colonel Zachary Taylor, a future President of the United States. The Seminoles so badly mauled the invaders that Taylor ordered his soldiers to fall back, bury their dead, tend to their wounded . . . and ponder the largest single US defeat in decades of Indian warfare. The battle of Lake Okeechobee is not a story you will find in school or college textbooks so it has slipped from the public consciousness. But in a country that cherishes its freedom-fighting heritage, Black and Red Seminoles of Florida sent everyone a message that deserves to be remembered and honored.

Around 1776 the Seminole nation had reconstituted itself as a multicultural nation by aligning itself with escaped Africans who had long lived in the penninsula. Beginning in the early 18th century hundreds of African Americans had fled bondage in Georgia and the Carolinas to find refuge and a productive life in Florida. Though Spain claimed Florida, it was an ungoverned land in which Native Americans roamed freely as did slave runaways, pirates and whites who rejected the limitation established by European invaders.

Generations of slave runaways established plantations in Florida, raised cattle and horses, brought up their children and took care of their elderly. For fifty miles along the Appalachacola river, African people ran plantations, and pursued a healthy, happy family life. When the Seminoles, a break-away segment of the Creek Nation, arrived in the penninsula around the time of the American Revolution, Africans were on hand to instruct them in methods of rice cultivation they had learned in Senegambia and Sierra Leone. Based on this cooperation, two peoples of color hammered out an agricultural and military alliance against US slaveholder posses that periodically raided their communities.

In 1816 General Andrew Jackson, hero of New Orleans and commander of US Armies in Florida, determined to terminate this resistance on the southern flank of the US border. To Jackson and slaveholders who dominated the federal government, Florida’s free Seminole people of color constituted a clear and present danger to the US slave system. They saw these free communities as holding a beacon light that could entice thousands of runaways to bolt Georgia, the Carolinas and Louisiana. Even more, the Seminoles offered escapees a safe haven. Perhaps most important, since Africans played a leadership role in the newly-integrated Seminole Nation, their villages stood as a successful, alternative societies, and refuted white claims that Africans were meant to be slaves.

Prodded by slaveholders, Washington officials connived at destroyng the Semnole alliance, and re-enslavement of the African members. Beginning in 1811 President James Madison, Virginia slaveholder and father of the U.S. Constitution, provided covert US support to this military effort. Finally, in 1819, the United States purchased Florida from Spain, and prepared to settle scores with the Seminoles. The Seminole nation, however, refused to capitulate, and rejected any surrender its African brothers and sisters members.

The result was three Seminoles wars that lasted from 1816 to 1858, at times tied up half of the US Army, cost the Congress $40,000,000 and took 1500 US military deaths. This also represented the single largest and longest explosion of slave resistance in the United States.

Throughout Africans played key roles. In 1837, when US troops were engaged in the second Seminole wars U.S. General Sidney Thomas Jesup, the best informed US officer in the field, wrote “This, you may be assured, is a negro and not an Indian war.” He continued:

Throughout my operations I have found the negroes the most active and determined warriors; and during the conferences with the Indian chiefs I ascertained they exercised an almost controlling influence over them.

Because Seminoles fought in a jungle area they knew better than the white invaders, their armies ran circles around their numerically and technologically superior foe. Though they had the added burden of moving their families out of harm’s way, Seminoles soldiers were able to baffle, surprise and humiliate the US army, navy and marines. In its desperation to quell resistance, the US officers ordered the taking of women and children as hostages and the violation other codes of warfare. These tactics did not achieve victory or split the red-black alliance but they indicate that the Seminole war can be viewed as early versions of US intervention and disaster in Vietnam.

In 1837 Chief Osceola and other Seminole leaders were seized coming with a white flag to a conference called by U.S. authorities. Osceola’s personal bodyguard of 55 at the time included 52 men of African descent. US forces imprisoned the Seminoles in a cell in Castillo de San Marcos, later renamed Fort Marion, in St. Augustine. Osceola, ill and depressed, sat slumped on the floor, his life ebbing away. Army officials also captured another Seminole peace delegation that included two fire-brands of the resistance, Wild Cat or Coacoochee, 25, and his Black sub-chief, John Horse, also 25.

Bilingual, tall, powerfully built and a commanding presence, Horse draped himself in silver amulets, rich sashes and elaborate, bright plumed head shawls. Widely respected for his knowledge of the foe, and a crack shot, Horse occupied a strategic position among the Seminoles. Revered for his often-tested diplomatic talent, calm self-assurance and courage in battle, he also was brother-in-law of Holatoochee, a leading Seminole who had the ear of Miconopy, the nation’s ruler. Chiefs such as Jumper and Holatoochee repeatedly asked Horse to negotiate with US authorities.

From their 18 foot by 33 foot cell at Fort Marion where they were held with two dozen Seminole prisoners, Coacoochee and Horse devised a plan. “We resolved to make our escape or die in the attempt,” Wild Cat later wrote. They took weeks to loosen the iron bar in the jail’s 18 foot roof and create a hole eight inches wide. The heavier prisoners agreed to diet in order to slip through, and some 20 prisoners, including two women, escaped through the opening. For over five days the band made its way southward gathering allies and guns and living “on roots and berries”

U.S. Colonel Zachary Taylor raced after them accompanied by 70 Delaware Indian mercenaries, l80 Missouri riflemen and 800 U.S. regular army soldiers from the Sixth Infantry, the Fourth Infantry and Taylor’s First Infantry Regiment. The day before Christmas US forces located the Seminoles, who had carefully positioned themselves at the northeast corner of Lake Okeechobee. Seminole marksmen were perched in the tall grass or in trees, the sprawling Lake a few hundred yards behind them.

Taylor’s forces advanced through a swampy area and its five foot high razor-edged sawgrass. Movement was impassable for horses, and extremely difficult for humans as soldiers sank up to their thighs in the mud and water beneath them.

At 12:30 in the afternoon of Christmas eve Seminole snipers prepared for battle. The first shot had yet to be fired when the Delawares, sensing disaster, deserted and left. The Missouri riflemen charged toward the Seminoles but a withering fire brought down their commander, many commissioned officers and some of non-commissioned officers. The Tennesseans fled.

Colonel Taylor then ordered his regular army troops forward but they encountered deadly rifle fire. He later reported their earliest barrages brought down “every officer, with one exception, as well as most of the non-commissioned officers” and left “but four . . . untouched.” After a two and a half hour battle in which they had been outnumbered, Semnole forces fell back their canoes and made their escape.

As Christmas Day dawned Colonel Taylor forces counted 26 U.S. dead and 112 wounded, seven dead for each dead Seminole fighter, and the US had taken no prisoners. US troops rounded up 100 Seminole ponies and 600 cattle.

Lake Okeechobee was the US military’s most decisive defeat in more than four decades of warfare in Florida. Four days after his army limped back to Fort Gardner, however, Colonel Taylor claimed victory. He said: “the Indians were driven in every direction.” The US Army accepted his report, and promoted him.

From that point, however, US officers had to recognize the unity and strength of the African-Seminole alliance. Said General Thomas Sidney Jesup, “The negroes rule the Indians, and it is important that they should feel themselves secure; if they should become alarmed and hold out, the war will be resumed.”

Based on his reputation as an “Indian fighter,” Zachary Taylor was elected the 12th President of the United States. Historians continue to distort the battle of Lake Okeechobee. In The Almanac of American History (1983), Arthur Schlesinger Jr. summarized the battle in one inaccurate sentence, “Fighting in the Second Seminole War, General Zachary Taylor defeats a group of Seminoles at Okeechobee Swamp, Florida.”

This is the nation of Patrick Henry and “Give me Liberty or give me death!” The United States was born in struggle against British colonial rule. It proudly declared people had natural rights and dedicated itself to self-determination. The heroic, freedom fighting struggle of the Seminole nation stands as a milestone in the American battle for liberty.

——————————————————————————–

Copyright 2009 by William Loren Katz.

Thursday, December 24, 2009

Do the riot thing! Support the Fittja 10 !

Winnipeg IWW @ Thursday, December 24, 2009
During the last year, riots and arsons have spread through urban areas in Sweden. Youth in poorer communities have started fires and attacked firefighters and cops on arrival. The unrest is clearly linked to a discontent with the situation they face; the segregated cities, the poor living conditions in their areas, the discrimination they face in mainstream society. Wherever they go they carry their areas reputation with them.

But the answer politicians come up with is always the same heavy policing and maybe, maybe some social programs to keep youth busy and off the streets.

In Fittja, an underprivileged community in the outskirts of Stockholm, unrest and riots broke out and went on for some nights after a police intervention at a youth center on Sunday 25th October.

The Tuesday after, one person was arrested and the following day riot police raided the apartment the person shares with others in Fittja, arresting another nine people. The following weekend they were all detained, charged with preparing an arson and one also for rioting. Police and media from the beginning claimed that the arrested were known members of Antifascist Action who had traveled to Fittja after the unrest begun. The ten are described as "criminal adults" and "troublemakers from the outside" and depicted as the ones responsible
for the riots and the damages in the area.

Repeatedly parallels are drawn to the riots in RosengÄrd in Malmö last winter, following the eviction of a center run by various neighborhood initiatives. Some people came there to get help with their homework, others came there to pray. Now, the company owning the building said the center was to be replaced with a school to teach the residents how to live in an apartment(!). For a while, the center was squated by youth from the area. When they got evicted, anger and frustration. Activists living close by, joined them to show their solidarity with the evicted youth, like they had before with autonomous social centers like the Ungdomshuset in Copenhagen.
And indeed the picture drawn up by the media then shows many similarities to the one that is displayed today, the one of autonomous activists from outside the area causing unrest and destruction in an already vulnerable area.
It's simple media logic a scenario with easily identifiable scape goats makes for a good story. Reality doesn't have much to do with it, it's more of a backdrop to the story. However, the people behind the headlines are real and they need our support.

The 22. december the remaining two of Fittja10 were sentenced, one to five months and
a fine of 1000 sek, the other one to four months in prison. One of them has been incarcerated since her arrest in October and will most likely have to stay in jail until the beginning of her prison sentence.

Send her a message through abc@anarkisterna.com or
ABC Stockholm,
Box 4081,
102 62 Stockholm.
Sweden


A letter means a lot to someone incarcerated, it punctures the
isolation of the detainees.

You can support them financially. ?IBAN SE12 9500 0099 6034 0873
8973?BIC NDEASESS?Nordea, Sweden?(To: ABC, Fittja)


Organize revolutionary solidarity!
Freedom for all prisoners!

anarkisterna.com/abc

Tuesday, December 22, 2009

Fort Worth Starbucks Workers Union

Winnipeg IWW @ Tuesday, December 22, 2009
8th and Rosedale Starbucks Workers Union go public and block the drive through.

Sunday, December 20, 2009

Solidarity With the FAU!

Winnipeg IWW @ Sunday, December 20, 2009



As of yesterday, December 11, 2009, FAU Berlin (FAU-B) has essentially been banned as a union. The decision was made by the Berlin Regional Court (Landgericht Berlin) without a hearing. FAU-B was not even informed that the Neue Babylon GmbH – which is involved in a labor dispute with FAU-B – had started legal proceedings against them. The court’s decision goes beyond merely taking away FAU-B’s rights as a union within the Babylon cinema. From this point on they are no longer allowed to call themselves a union!

Background

FAU-B and its group within the Babylon cinema have been fighting for a labor contract since the beginning of June 2009. Although the Babylon cinema is government funded, pay has been miserable and workers rights have been ignored. A large portion of the cinema’s staff is organized within FAU-B. This is the first significant labor dispute of the relatively small FAU-B. It has caused an uproar not only in Berlin, but in all of Germany. Anarcho-syndicalists in a labor dispute, an effective boycott that was prominent in the media, extensive and innovative demands, and the involvement of the workers themselves (which is rare in Germany) have made an impression on the public. When the pressure was at its height and the bosses could no longer avoid entering negotiations, not only did politicians intervene but ver.di (a big union in Germany, part of the umbrella organization of mainstream unions, DGB) took up negotiations with the bosses even though they had almost no members among the cinema’s staff and no mandate from them. The workers, who were obviously flabbergasted, were excluded from negotiations.

Apparently a deal was made between ver.di, politicians, and bosses to get rid of FAU-B and calm things down at the cinema. But the staff and FAU refused to be silenced. Neue Babylon GmBH reacted by flexing some legal muscle and ver.di by attempting to damage FAU’s image. Firstly, the boycott – one of FAU-B’s main forms of pressure – was banned, and doubt was cast on FAU-B’s ability to negotiate contracts (in Germany this is a prerequisite for being able to legally take collective action). At the same time, other court cases were brought against FAU-B relating to freedom of expression. But FAU-B did not back down. This led to the latest court decision, which basically bans FAU as a union.

The situation in Germany

FAU Berlin has long said that this labor dispute – as small as it may be – is not only about better working conditions but also about the freedom to organize. There has been little tradition of militant unionism or syndicalism in Germany since 1933. The umbrella organization DGB has a practical monopoly (corporatism), which is backed up by case law. This makes it very hard for alternative unions to grow. Self-organization and decentralization within unions in Germany are not encouraged and do not enjoy legal protection.

FAU-B’s modest collective action has demonstrated that an alternative union is possible in Germany. Big unions and politicians, apparently afraid that this form of organization will spread like wildfire, are displeased by this development. This is the context in which FAU-B’s union work has been banned. The court’s decision implies that it is not possible to establish a legally recognized union in Germany because – paradoxically – you have to be a legally recognized union in order to become one. A union taking collective action without being an officially recognized union can expect stiff legal consequences. On two occasions FAU-B has been threatened with fines of 250,000 euros or jail sentences. FAU-B is not allowed to work legally as a union anywhere. German anarcho-syndicalists thus see themselves banned once again after being prohibited in 1914 and 1933.

The court’s decision is especially scandalous because it was rubber-stamped via summary proceedings without any hearing – FAU-B was not allowed to state its case. This is possibly to do with the fact that anyone in Germany can legally call themselves a union and that the judicial authorities wanted to act unilaterally. Germany has passed some ILO conventions, but they have little meaning here because big unions cooperate closely with the bosses and dictate what a union has to be like. Syndicalists enjoyed more rights under the Kaiser in the 19th century and in the 1920s. The situation in Germany is reminiscent of Turkey, for example, where unions are often banned.

The court’s decision can possibly be overturned. But FAU-B remains realistic: everything is possible. Political cronyism is rife and the powers that be will make further attempts to block the growth of alternative unions.

Consequences

The consequences of the court’s decision are wide-ranging and will be catastrophic unless the decision is overturned. An outright ban of FAU-B as a union would have had a similar effect. The decision regarding FAU-B is essentially applicable to FAU in Germany as a whole. As it sets precedence, it will automatically affect the entire union movement and the rights of workers. Whatever form an alternative union in Germany might have, this precedent will render it powerless in future. This case is a novelty in the sphere of German union-busting. This decision allows the bosses to negotiate with the union of their choice and to define what a union is. Workers’ self-organization – whether in the Babylon cinema or elsewhere – has been blocked, and the institutionalized muzzling of the working class has been intensified. The lack of solidarity shown by ver.di through their intervention is partly to blame for this. The court decision may even be in their direct interest since ver.di has already written that they see FAU-B as competition that they have to take action against.

Solidarity!

The battle for union freedom in Germany has now begun. Every little bit of solidarity is needed. Bring this scandal to light, protest in front of German institutions, and demand that the decision be overturned and that FAU be given full rights as a union!

Please help us if you can. Your own ideas are welcome, but here are some suggestions:
• protest in front of German diplomatic missions (embassies, consulates) or other institutions representing
the German state;
• send protest letters to German embassies in your country (and a copy to the management of the Babylon
Mitte cinema);
• send protest faxes to the Berlin court responsible.

You will find the relevant information at http://www.fau.org/verbot as soon as we can put it online. It includes a list of German diplomatic mission, pointers to other relevant institutions, templates for protest letters, and the necessary contact data.

Protests are scheduled for Saturday, December 19, 2009. We would appreciate it if you could act really soon. But your solidarity is not restricted to that date – it can be expressed at any time.

-----------------------

Please take a moment to send a letter here: Send a Protest to Kino Babylon

Also, if you are on Facebook, Join the support group or become a fan of FAU-IAA Solidarity

Friday, December 18, 2009

Francesc Ferrer i GuĂ rdia (1859-1909)

Winnipeg IWW @ Friday, December 18, 2009
Today, its the 100th anniversary of the assasination of Francesc Ferrer i GuĂ rdia by the Spanish state.

Fransisco Ferrer and the Modern School

Emma Goldman, Anarchism and Other Essays (Third revised edition, New York: Mother Earth Publishing Association, 1917)

FRANCISCO FERRER AND THE MODERN SCHOOL

EXPERIENCE has come to be considered the best school of life. The man or woman who does not learn some vital lesson in that school is looked upon as a dunce indeed. Yet strange to say, that though organized institutions continue perpetrating errors, though they learn nothing from experience, we acquiesce, as a matter of course. There lived and worked in Barcelona a man by the name of Francisco Ferrer. A teacher of children he was, known and loved by his people. Outside of Spain only the cultured few knew of Francisco Ferrer's work. To the world at large this teacher was non-existent.

On the first of September, 1909, the Spanish government--at the behest of the Catholic Church--arrested Francisco Ferrer. On the thirteenth of October, after a mock trial, he was placed in the ditch at Montjuich prison, against the hideous wall of many sighs, and shot dead. Instantly Ferrer, the obscure teacher, became a universal figure, blazing forth the indignation and wrath of the whole civilized world against the wanton murder.

The killing of Francisco Ferrer was not the first crime committed by the Spanish government and the Catholic Church. The history of these institutions is one long stream of fire and blood. Still they have not learned through experience, nor yet come to realize that every frail being slain by Church and State grows and grows into a mighty giant, who will some day free humanity from their perilous hold.

Francisco Ferrer was born in 1859, of humble parents. They were Catholics, and therefore hoped to raise their son in the same faith. They did not know that the boy was to become the harbinger of a great truth, that his mind would refuse to travel in the old path. At an early age Ferrer began to question the faith of his fathers. He demanded to know how it is that the God who spoke to him of goodness and love would mar the sleep of the innocent child with dread and awe of tortures, of suffering, of hell. Alert and of a vivid and investigating mind, it did not take him long to discover the hideousness of that black monster, the Catholic Church. He would have none of it.

Francisco Ferrer was not only a doubter, a searcher for truth; he was also a rebel. His spirit would rise in just indignation against the iron régime of his country, and when a band of rebels, led by the brave patriot General Villacampa, under the banner of the Republican ideal, made an onslaught on that régime, none was more ardent a fighter than young Francisco Ferrer. The Republican ideal,--I hope no one will confound it with the Republicanism of this country. Whatever objection I, as an Anarchist, have to the Republicans of Latin countries, I know they tower high above the corrupt and reactionary party which, in America, is destroying every vestige of liberty and justice. One has but to think of the Mazzinis, the Garibaldis, the scores of others, to realize that their efforts were directed, not merely against the overthrow of despotism, but particularly against the Catholic Church, which from its very inception has been the enemy of all progress and liberalism.

In America it is just the reverse. Republicanism stands for vested rights, for imperialism, for graft, for the annihilation of every semblance of liberty. Its ideal is the oily, creepy respectability of a McKinley, and the brutal arrogance of a Roosevelt.

The Spanish republican rebels were subdued. It takes more than one brave effort to split the rock of ages, to cut off the head of that hydra monster, the Catholic Church and the Spanish throne. Arrest, persecution, and punishment followed the heroic attempt of the little band. Those who could escape the bloodhounds had to flee for safety to foreign shores. Francisco Ferrer was among the latter. He went to France.

How his soul must have expanded in the new land! France, the cradle of liberty, of ideas, of action. Paris, the ever young, intense Paris, with her pulsating life, after the gloom of his own belated country,--how she must have inspired him. What opportunities, what a glorious chance for a young idealist.

Francisco Ferrer lost no time. Like one famished he threw himself into the various liberal movements, met all kinds of people, learned, absorbed, and grew. While there, he also saw in operation the Modern School, which was to play such an important and fatal part in his life.

The Modern School in France was founded long before Ferrer's time. Its originator, though on a small scale, was that sweet spirit Louise Michel. Whether consciously or unconsciously, our own great Louise felt long ago that the future belongs to the young generation; that unless the young be rescued from that mind and soul-destroying institution, the bourgeois school, social evils will continue to exist. Perhaps she thought, with Ibsen, that the atmosphere is saturated with ghosts, that the adult man and woman have so many superstitions to overcome. No sooner do they outgrow the deathlike grip of one spook, lo! they find themselves in the thraldom of ninety-nine other spooks. Thus but a few reach the mountain peak of complete regeneration.

The child, however, has no traditions to overcome. Its mind is not burdened with set ideas, its heart has not grown cold with class and caste distinctions. The child is to the teacher what clay is to the sculptor. Whether the world will receive a work of art or a wretched imitation, depends to a large extent on the creative power of the teacher.

Louise Michel was pre-eminently qualified to meet the child's soul cravings. Was she not herself of a childlike nature, so sweet and tender, unsophisticated and generous? The soul of Louise burned always at white heat over every social injustice. She was invariably in the front ranks whenever the people of Paris rebelled against some wrong. And as she was made to suffer imprisonment for her great devotion to the oppressed, the little school on Montmartre was soon no more. But the seed was planted and has since borne fruit in many cities of France.

The most important venture of a Modern School was that of the great young old man Paul Robin. Together with a few friends he established a large school at Cempuis, a beautiful place near Paris. Paul Robin aimed at a higher ideal than merely modern ideas in education. He wanted to demonstrate by actual facts that the bourgeois conception of heredity is but a mere pretext to exempt society from its terrible crimes against the young. The contention that the child must suffer for the sins of the fathers, that it must continue in poverty and filth, that it must grow up a drunkard or criminal, just because its parents left it no other legacy, was too preposterous to the beautiful spirit of Paul Robin. He believed that whatever part heredity may play, there are other factors equally great, if not greater, that may and will eradicate or minimize the so-called first cause. Proper economic and social environment, the breath and freedom of nature, healthy exercise, love and sympathy, and, above all, a deep understanding for the needs of the child--these would destroy the cruel, unjust, and criminal stigma imposed on the innocent young.

Paul Robin did not select his children; he did not go to the so-called best parents: he took his material wherever he could find it. From the street, the hovels, the orphan and foundling asylums, the reformatories, from all those gray and hideous places where a benevolent society hides its victims in order to pacify its guilty conscience. He gathered all the dirty, filthy, shivering little waifs his place would hold, and brought them to Cempuis. There, surrounded by nature's own glory, free and unrestrained, well fed, clean kept, deeply loved and understood, the little human plants began to grow, to blossom, to develop beyond even the expectations of their friend and teacher, Paul Robin.

The children grew and developed into self-reliant, liberty-loving men and women. What greater danger to the institutions that make the poor in order to perpetuate the poor? Cempuis was closed by the French government on the charge of co-education, which is prohibited in France. However, Cempuis had been in operation long enough to prove to all advanced educators its tremendous possibilities, and to serve as an impetus for modern methods of education, that are slowly but inevitably undermining the present system.

Cempuis was followed by a great number of other educational attempts,--among them, by Madelaine Vernet, a gifted writer and poet, author of l'Amour Libre, and Sebastian Faure, with his La Ruche, 1 which I visited while in Paris, in 1907.

Several years ago Comrade Faure bought the land on which he built his La Ruche. In a comparatively short time he succeeded in transforming the former wild, uncultivated country into a blooming spot, having all the appearance of a well-kept farm. A large, square court, enclosed by three buildings, and a broad path leading to the garden and orchards, greet the eye of the visitor. The garden, kept as only a Frenchman knows how, furnishes a large variety of vegetables for La Ruche.

Sebastian Faure is of the opinion that if the child is subjected to contradictory influences, its development suffers in consequence. Only when the material needs, the hygiene of the home, and intellectual environment are harmonious, can the child grow into a healthy, free being.

Referring to his school, Sebastian Faure has this to say:

"I have taken twenty-four children of both sexes, mostly orphans, or those whose parents are too poor to pay. They are clothed, housed, and educated at my expense. Till their twelfth year they will receive a sound elementary education. Between the age of twelve and fifteen--their studies still continuing--they are to be taught some trade, in keeping with their individual disposition and abilities. After that they are at liberty to leave La Ruche to begin life in the outside world, with the assurance that they may at any time return to La Ruche, where they will be received with open arms and welcomed as parents do their beloved children. Then, if they wish to work at our place, they may do so under the following conditions: One third of the product to cover his or her expenses of maintenance, another third to go towards the general fund set aside for accommodating new children, and the last third to be devoted to the personal use of the child, as he or she may see fit.

"The health of the children who are now in my care is perfect. Pure air, nutritious food, physical exercise in the open, long walks, observation of hygienic rules, the short and interesting method of instruction, and, above all, our affectionate understanding and care of the children, have produced admirable physical and mental results.

"It would be unjust to claim that our pupils have accomplished wonders; yet, considering that they belong to the average, having had no previous opportunities, the results are very gratifying indeed. The most important thing they have acquired--a rare trait with ordinary school children--is the love of study, the desire to know, to be informed. They have learned a new method of work, one that quickens the memory and stimulates the imagination. We make a particular effort to awaken the child's interest in his surroundings, to make him realize the importance of observation, investigation, and reflection, so that when the children reach maturity, they would not be deaf and blind to the things about them. Our children never accept anything in blind faith, without inquiry as to why and wherefore; nor do they feel satisfied until their questions are thoroughly answered. Thus their minds are free from doubts and fear resultant from incomplete or untruthful replies; it is the latter which warp the growth of the child, and create a lack of confidence in himself and those about him.

"It is surprising how frank and kind and affectionate our little ones are to each other. The harmony between themselves and the adults at La Ruche is highly encouraging. We should feel at fault if the children were to fear or honor us merely because we are their elders. We leave nothing undone to gain their confidence and love; that accomplished, understanding will replace duty; confidence, fear; and affection, severity.

"No one has yet fully realized the wealth of sympathy, kindness, and generosity hidden in the soul of the child. The effort of every true educator should be to unlock that treasure--to stimulate the child's impulses, and call forth the best and noblest tendencies. What greater reward can there be for one whose life-work is to watch over the growth of the human plant, than to see its nature unfold its petals, and to observe it develop into a true individuality. My comrades at La Ruche look for no greater reward, and it is due to them and their efforts, even more than to my own, that our human garden promises to bear beautiful fruit." 2

Regarding the subject of history and the prevailing old methods of instruction, Sebastian Faure said:

"We explain to our children that true history is yet to be written,--the story of those who have died, unknown, in the effort to aid humanity to greater achievement." 3

Francisco Ferrer could not escape this great wave of Modern School attempts. He saw its possibilities, not merely in theoretic form, but in their practical application to every-day needs. He must have realized that Spain, more than any other country, stands in need of just such schools, if it is ever to throw off the double yoke of priest and soldier.

When we consider that the entire system of education in Spain is in the hands of the Catholic Church, and when we further remember the Catholic formula, "To inculcate Catholicism in the mind of the child until it is nine years of age is to ruin it forever for any other idea," we will understand the tremendous task of Ferrer in bringing the new light to his people. Fate soon assisted him in realizing his great dream.

Mlle. Meunier, a pupil of Francisco Ferrer, and a lady of wealth, became interested in the Modern School project. When she died, she left Ferrer some valuable property and twelve thousand francs yearly income for the School.

It is said that mean souls can conceive of naught but mean ideas. If so, the contemptible methods of the Catholic Church to blackguard Ferrer's character, in order to justify her own black crime, can readily be explained. Thus the lie was spread in American Catholic papers that Ferrer used his intimacy with Mlle. Meunier to get possession of her money.

Personally, I hold that the intimacy, of whatever nature, between a man and a woman, is their own affair, their sacred own. I would therefore not lose a word in referring to the matter, if it were not one of the many dastardly lies circulated about Ferrer. Of course, those who know the purity of the Catholic clergy will understand the insinuation. Have the Catholic priests ever looked upon woman as anything but a sex commodity? The historical data regarding the discoveries in the cloisters and monasteries will bear me out in that. How, then, are they to understand the co-operation of a man and a woman, except on a sex basis?

As a matter of fact, Mlle. Meunier was considerably Ferrer's senior. Having spent her childhood and girlhood with a miserly father and a submissive mother, she could easily appreciate the necessity of love and joy in child life. She must have seen that Francisco Ferrer was a teacher, not college, machine, or diploma-made, but one endowed with genius for that calling.

Equipped with knowledge, with experience, and with the necessary means; above all, imbued with the divine fire of his mission, our Comrade came back to Spain, and there began his life's work. On the ninth of September, 1901, the first Modern School was opened. It was enthusiastically received by the people of Barcelona, who pledged their support. In a short address at the opening of the School, Ferrer submitted his program to his friends. He said: "I am not a speaker, not a propagandist, not a fighter. I am a teacher; I love children above everything. I think I understand them. I want my contribution to the cause of liberty to be a young generation ready to meet a new era."

He was cautioned by his friends to be careful in his opposition to the Catholic Church. They knew to what lengths she would go to dispose of an enemy. Ferrer, too, knew. But, like Brand, he believed in all or nothing. He would not erect the Modern School on the same old lie. He would be frank and honest and open with the children.

Francisco Ferrer became a marked man. From the very first day of the opening of the School, he was shadowed. The school building was watched, his little home in Mangat was watched. He was followed every step, even when he went to France or England to confer with his colleagues. He was a marked man, and it was only a question of time when the lurking enemy would tighten the noose.

It succeeded, almost, in 1906, when Ferrer was implicated in the attempt on the life of Alfonso. The evidence exonerating him was too strong even for the black crows; 4 they had to let him go--not for good, however. They waited. Oh, they can wait, when they have set themselves to trap a victim.

The moment came at last, during the anti-military uprising in Spain, in July, 1909. One will have to search in vain the annals of revolutionary history to find a more remarkable protest against militarism. Having been soldier-ridden for centuries, the people of Spain could stand the yoke no longer. They would refuse to participate in useless slaughter. They saw no reason for aiding a despotic government in subduing and oppressing a small people fighting for their independence, as did the brave Riffs. No, they would not bear arms against them.

For eighteen hundred years the Catholic Church has preached the gospel of peace. Yet, when the people actually wanted to make this gospel a living reality, she urged the authorities to force them to bear arms. Thus the dynasty of Spain followed the murderous methods of the Russian dynasty,--people were forced to the battlefield.

Then, and not until then, was their power of endurance at an end. Then, and not until then, did the workers of Spain turn against their masters, against those who, like leeches, had drained their strength, their very life-blood. Yes, they attacked the churches and the priests, but if the latter had a thousand lives, they could not possibly pay for the terrible outrages and crimes perpetrated upon the Spanish people.

Francisco Ferrer was arrested on the first of September, 1909. Until October first his friends and comrades did not even know what had become of him. On that day a letter was received by L'Humanité from which can be learned the whole mockery of the trial. And the next day his companion, Soledad Villafranca, received the following letter:

"No reason to worry; you know I am absolutely innocent. Today I am particularly hopeful and joyous. It is the first time I can write to you, and the first time since my arrest that I can bathe in the rays of the sun, streaming generously through my cell window. You, too, must be joyous."

How pathetic that Ferrer should have believed, as late as October fourth, that he would not be condemned to death. Even more pathetic that his friends and comrades should once more have made the blunder in crediting the enemy with a sense of justice. Time and again they had placed faith in the judicial powers, only to see their brothers killed before their very eyes. They made no preparation to rescue Ferrer, not even a protest of any extent; nothing. "Why, it is impossible to condemn Ferrer; he is innocent." But everything is possible with the Catholic Church. Is she not a practiced henchman, whose trials of her enemies are the worst mockery of justice?

On October fourth Ferrer sent the following letter to L'Humanité:

"The Prison Cell, October 4, 1909.

"My dear Friends--Notwithstanding most absolute innocence, the prosecutor demands the death penalty, based on denunciations of the police, representing me as the chief of the world's Anarchists, directing the labor syndicates of France, and guilty of conspiracies and insurrections everywhere, and declaring that my voyages to London and Paris were undertaken with no other object.

"With such infamous lies they are trying to kill me.

"The messenger is about to depart and I have not time for more. All the evidence presented to the investigating judge by the police is nothing but a tissue of lies and calumnious insinuations. But no proofs against me, having done nothing at all.

"FERRER."

October thirteenth, 1909, Ferrer's heart, so brave, so staunch, so loyal, was stilled. Poor fools! The last agonized throb of that heart had barely died away when it began to beat a hundredfold in the hearts of the civilized world, until it grew into terrific thunder, hurling forth its malediction upon the instigators of the black crime. Murderers of black garb and pious mien, to the bar of justice!

Did Francisco Ferrer participate in the anti-military uprising? According to the first indictment, which appeared in a Catholic paper in Madrid, signed by the Bishop and all the prelates of Barcelona, he was not even accused of participation. The indictment was to the effect that Francisco Ferrer was guilty of having organized godless schools, and having circulated godless literature. But in the twentieth century men can not be burned merely for their godless beliefs. Something else had to be devised; hence the charge of instigating the uprising.

In no authentic source so far investigated could a single proof be found to connect Ferrer with the uprising. But then, no proofs were wanted, or accepted, by the authorities. There were seventy-two witnesses, to be sure, but their testimony was taken on paper. They never were confronted with Ferrer, or he with them.

Is it psychologically possible that Ferrer should have participated? I do not believe it is, and here are my reasons. Francisco Ferrer was not only a great teacher, but he was also undoubtedly a marvelous organizer. In eight years, between 1901-1909, he had organized in Spain one hundred and nine schools, besides inducing the liberal element of his country to organize three hundred and eight other schools. In connection with his own school work, Ferrer had equipped a modern printing plant, organized a staff of translators, and spread broadcast one hundred and fifty thousand copies of modern scientific and sociologic works, not to forget the large quantity of rationalist text books. Surely none but the most methodical and efficient organizer could have accomplished such a feat.

On the other hand, it was absolutely proven that the anti-military uprising was not at all organized; that it came as a surprise to the people themselves, like a great many revolutionary waves on previous occasions. The people of Barcelona, for instance, had the city in their control for four days, and, according to the statement of tourists, greater order and peace never prevailed. Of course, the people were so little prepared that when the time came, they did not know what to do. In this regard they were like the people of Paris during the Commune of 1871. They, too, were unprepared. While they were starving, they protected the warehouses filled to the brim with provisions. They placed sentinels to guard the Bank of France, where the bourgeoisie kept the stolen money. The workers of Barcelona, too, watched over the spoils of their masters.

How pathetic is the stupidity of the underdog; how terribly tragic! But, then, have not his fetters been forged so deeply into his flesh, that he would not, even if he could, break them? The awe of authority, of law, of private property, hundredfold burned into his soul,--how is he to throw it off unprepared, unexpectedly?

Can anyone assume for a moment that a man like Ferrer would affiliate himself with such a spontaneous, unorganized effort? Would he not have known that it would result in a defeat, a disastrous defeat for the people? And is it not more likely that if he would have taken part, he, the experienced entrepreneur, would have thoroughly organized the attempt? If all other proofs were lacking, that one factor would be sufficient to exonerate Francisco Ferrer. But there are others equally convincing.

For the very date of the outbreak, July twenty-fifth, Ferrer had called a conference of his teachers and members of the League of Rational Education. It was to consider the autumn work, and particularly the publication of Elisée Reclus' great book, L'Homme et la Terre, and Peter Kropotkin's Great French Revolution. Is it at all likely, is it at all plausible that Ferrer, knowing of the uprising, being a party to it, would in cold blood invite his friends and colleagues to Barcelona for the day on which he realized their lives would be endangered? Surely, only the criminal, vicious mind of a Jesuit could credit such deliberate murder.

Francisco Ferrer had his life-work mapped out; he had everything to lose and nothing to gain, except ruin and disaster, were he to lend assistance to the outbreak. Not that he doubted the justice of the people's wrath; but his work, his hope, his very nature was directed toward another goal.

In vain are the frantic efforts of the Catholic Church, her lies, falsehoods, calumnies. She stands condemned by the awakened human conscience of having once more repeated the foul crimes of the past.

Francisco Ferrer is accused of teaching the children the most blood-curdling ideas,--to hate God, for instance. Horrors! Francisco Ferrer did not believe in the existence of a God. Why teach the child to hate something which does not exist? Is it not more likely that he took the children out into the open, that he showed them the splendor of the sunset, the brilliancy of the starry heavens, the awe-inspiring wonder of the mountains and seas; that he explained to them in his simple, direct way the law of growth, of development, of the interrelation of all life? In so doing he made it forever impossible for the poisonous weeds of the Catholic Church to take root in the child's mind.

It has been stated that Ferrer prepared the children to destroy the rich. Ghost stories of old maids. Is it not more likely that he prepared them to succor the poor? That he taught them the humiliation, the degradation, the awfulness of poverty, which is a vice and not a virtue; that he taught the dignity and importance of all creative efforts, which alone sustain life and build character. Is it not the best and most effective way of bringing into the proper light the absolute uselessness and injury of parasitism?

Last, but not least, Ferrer is charged with undermining the army by inculcating anti-military ideas. Indeed? He must have believed with Tolstoy that war is legalized slaughter, that it perpetuates hatred and arrogance, that it eats away the heart of nations, and turns them into raving maniacs.

However, we have Ferrer's own word regarding his ideas of modern education:

"I would like to call the attention of my readers to this idea: All the value of education rests in the respect for the physical, intellectual, and moral will of the child. Just as in science no demonstration is possible save by facts, just so there is no real education save that which is exempt from all dogmatism, which leaves to the child itself the direction of its effort, and confines itself to the seconding of its effort. Now, there is nothing easier than to alter this purpose, and nothing harder than to respect it. Education is always imposing, violating, constraining; the real educator is he who can best protect the child against his (the teacher's) own ideas, his peculiar whims; he who can best appeal to the child's own energies.

"We are convinced that the education of the future will be of an entirely spontaneous nature; certainly we can not as yet realize it, but the evolution of methods in the direction of a wider comprehension of the phenomena of life, and the fact that all advances toward perfection mean the overcoming of restraint,--all this indicates that we are in the right when we hope for the deliverance of the child through science.

"Let us not fear to say that we want men capable of evolving without stopping, capable of destroying and renewing their environments without cessation, of renewing themselves also; men, whose intellectual independence will be their greatest force, who will attach themselves to nothing, always ready to accept what is best, happy in the triumph of new ideas, aspiring to live multiple lives in one life. Society fears such men; we therefore must not hope that it will ever want an education able to give them to us.

"We shall follow the labors of the scientists who study the child with the greatest attention, and we shall eagerly seek for means of applying their experience to the education which we want to build up, in the direction of an ever fuller liberation of the individual. But how can we attain our end? Shall it not be by putting ourselves directly to the work favoring the foundation of new schools, which shall be ruled as much as possible by this spirit of liberty, which we forefeel will dominate the entire work of education in the future?

"A trial has been made, which, for the present, has already given excellent results. We can destroy all which in the present school answers to the organization of constraint, the artificial surroundings by which children are separated from nature and life, the intellectual and moral discipline made use of to impose ready-made ideas upon them, beliefs which deprave and annihilate natural bent. Without fear of deceiving ourselves, we can restore the child to the environment which entices it, the environment of nature in which he will be in contact with all that he loves, and in which impressions of life will replace fastidious book-learning. If we did not more than that, we should already have prepared in great part the deliverance of the child.

"In such conditions we might already freely apply the data of science and labor most fruitfully.

"I know very well we could not thus realize all our hopes, that we should often be forced, for lack of knowledge, to employ undesirable methods; but a certitude would sustain us in our efforts--namely, that even without reaching our aim completely we should do more and better in our still imperfect work than the present school accomplishes. I like the free spontaneity of a child who knows nothing, better than the world-knowledge and intellectual deformity of a child who has been subjected to our present education." 5

Had Ferrer actually organized the riots, had he fought on the barricades, had he hurled a hundred bombs, he could not have been so dangerous to the Catholic Church and to despotism, as with his opposition to discipline and restraint. Discipline and restraint--are they not back of all the evils in the world? Slavery, submission, poverty, all misery, all social iniquities result from discipline and restraint. Indeed, Ferrer was dangerous. Therefore he had to die, October thirteenth, 1909, in the ditch of Montjuich. Yet who dare say his death was in vain? In view of the tempestuous rise of universal indignation: Italy naming streets in memory of Francisco Ferrer, Belgium inaugurating a movement to erect a memorial; France calling to the front her most illustrious men to resume the heritage of the martyr; England being the first to issue a biography; all countries uniting in perpetuating the great work of Francisco Ferrer; America, even, tardy always in progressive ideas, giving birth to a Francisco Ferrer Association, its aim being to publish a complete life of Ferrer and to organize Modern Schools all over the country,--in the face of this international revolutionary wave, who is there to say Ferrer died in vain?

That death at Montjuich,--how wonderful, how dramatic it was, how it stirs the human soul. Proud and erect, the inner eye turned toward the light, Francisco Ferrer needed no lying priests to give him courage, nor did he upbraid a phantom for forsaking him. The consciousness that his executioners represented a dying age, and that his was the living truth, sustained him in the last heroic moments.

A dying age and a living truth, The living burying the dead.

Steamed Baristas Shut Down Fort Worth Starbucks Drive-Thru to Demand Affordable Healthcare and Paid Sick Days for those Diagnosed with H1N1

Winnipeg IWW @ Friday, December 18, 2009

Steamed Baristas Shut Down Fort Worth Starbucks Drive-Thru to Demand Affordable Healthcare and Paid Sick Days for those Diagnosed with H1N1

Fort Worth, TX- Baristas and community supporters at the 8th and Rosedale Starbucks shut down the store’s drive-thru this morning and delivered a list of demands including affordable health care options and sick days for those displaying H1N1 or other cold and flu symptoms. Starbucks doubled the cost of the company health insurance plan in September, leaving many workers unable to afford treatment because of sky-high deductibles and premiums.

“We’ve had enough. Baristas should not be forced to expose customers to H1N1 or other contagions and stay sick longer, just in order to be able to make the money they need to support their families and pay astronomical health care costs. We’re making $7.30/hr., that’s a nickel above minimum wage,” said IWW Barista Michelle Cahill.

The protesting baristas are members of the Starbucks Workers Union, which is an international campaign of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) labor union. The store action makes the 8th and Rosedale location the first Starbucks in Texas to have a public union presence.

Baristas decided to move toward unionization after many workers were forced to continue working while displaying intense H1N1 and other flu symptoms, enhancing the likelihood of spreading the flu virus. The baristas are demanding that those who display H1N1 or other cold and flu symptoms be excused from work with pay to avoid exposing customers to Swine Flu.

Casey Keeling, another union barista at the store, said, “Watching our coworkers be forced to serve customers while they were sick with H1N1 was the last straw. Something needs to change- in our workplace and in this country. We have decided to form a union to fight for affordable health insurance, paid sick days, a fair wage, and secure work hours. And they could at least give us a first aid kit for the store.”

While portraying itself as a ‘socially-responsible’ employer, all of Starbucks' retail hourly workers in the U.S. are part-time employees with no guaranteed number of work hours per week. According to Starbucks figures released to the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 40.9% of its employees (including managers) are covered by the company health care package, a lower percentage than the oft-criticized Wal-Mart, which insures 47% of its workforce.

Since the launch of the IWW campaign at Starbucks on May 17, 2004, the company has been cited multiple times for illegal union-busting by the National Labor Relations Board. The company settled numerous complaints against it and a judge's guilty verdict on more than 30 additional rights’ violations was recently upheld on appeal by the Board in D.C. Starbucks’ large anti-union operation is headed by CEO Howard Schultz and operated in conjunction with the Akin Gump law firm and the Edelman public relations firm.

The IWW Starbucks Workers Union is a grassroots organization of over 300 current and former employees at the world's largest coffee chain united for secure work hours and a living wage. The union has members throughout the United States and Canada fighting for systemic change at the company and remedying individual grievances with management.

Union baristas, bussers, and shift supervisors have fought successfully toward improved scheduling and staffing levels, increased wages, and workplace safety. Workers who join the union have immediate access to co-workers and members of the community who will struggle with them for a better life on the job.

Thursday, December 17, 2009

Urgent Action! Major Protest of Former Turkish Tobacco Monopoly Workers in Ankara

Winnipeg IWW @ Thursday, December 17, 2009
From IUF:

Some 10,000 workers, family members and supporters are currently demonstrating in Ankara in near-freezing temperatures in protest against a snap government decision to close their workplaces at the end of January 2010.

Following the sale of the TEKEL (Turkish tobacco and alcohol monopoly) tobacco manufacturing activities to BAT in February 2008, the state retained control over the 40 warehouses where leaf and semi-processed tobacco was stored. IUF-affiliated Tekgida-Is, which represents the workforce at TEKEL, continually sought negotiations with the government over the future of the 12,000 warehouse workers. And now, after having ignored the union's calls for negotiations, the government has taken the drastic decision to close these warehouses, leaving 12,000 workers jobless and affecting a further 40 thousand people together with their families.

The workers began arriving in the capital city of Ankara on 15 December in buses from 106 provinces throughout the country. The protest is taking place in front of the headquarters of the AKP, the political party in power. Currently, the demonstrators are surrounded by police barricades and police are preventing further busloads of TEKEL workers from entering the city centre.

FLASH: Police violence is escalating in Ankara - demonstrators have been taken to hospital and Tekgida-Is president Mustafa TĂŒrkel has been arrested and taken into custody.

Act Now! - PLEASE CLICK HERE TO SEND A MESSAGE TO THE GOVERNMENT OF TURKEY AS A MATTER OF URGENCY!

According to Tekgida-Is president Mustafa TĂŒrkel, "The TEKEL workers who turned out will not leave until a solution is found. TEKEL workers are demanding their legal rights through this protest. Politicians have decided to close the TEKEL workers’ workplace. In light of this, what is right and legal is to transfer these workers to other institutions."

ASI Report to IWA Congress 2009 on the Belgrade Six

Winnipeg IWW @ Thursday, December 17, 2009
Statement the Serbian Anarcho-syndicalist group ASI presented to the International Workers Association Congress in 2009 on the states attempts to fit up six anarchists.

Report on circumstances which led to arrest of Belgrade anarchists and International terrorism charges

In the night between 24th and 25th of August 2009, some time after 3am, two Molotov cocktails were thrown on Greek embassy in Belgrade. Act ended with a damaged window and minor damage to façade, the fire didn`t spread to the interior of the building and small fire that was started was quickly extinguished. No one was hurt in this `attack` because there were no people at the embassy at that time and on the following morning all embassy services started working on schedule. Greek embassy officials stated that the damage was insignificant – `Embassy is working without any problems. We`re issuing visas and we`re working with citizens as usual`. Serbian ministry of interior (MUP) immediately contacted embassy officials to make sure that everything is in order, and condemned the attack. During afternoon 25th of August, until then unknown anarchist group `Black Ilja`(Crni Ilija) took over the responsibility for the attack and sent the following announcement to the media: "Our comrade Todoris Iliopulos, who was arrested during the popular uprising in Greece during December 2008, is at hunger strike for already 46 days demanding to be released. While trying to set an example to anyone who will dare to fight for freedom, Greek state is leading a fabricated process against comrade Todoris. Belgrade anarchists have decided to join comrades in Greece, and the whole world in actions of solidarity with Todoris, by demanding his release. That is why the members of our group attacked the Greek embassy in Belgrade with Molotov cocktails during the last night. We will continue with our activities until comrade Iliopulus is released! Fredom for Todoris! "

Anarchist group "Black Ilija" (Crni Ilija)

Todoris Iliopulos was arrested on December 22nd 2008 during the unrest in Athens, which started after a 15 year Alexandros Grigoropoulos was shot and killed by a police officer in Excharheia district on December 15th. He was held in Koridlao prison from the time of arrest until August 28th, when he was let out on conditiona release. He is accused of two criminal acts (attack on police with Molotov cocktails) and few offences. All the time during his stay in prison, Iliopulos claimed that the charges against him were based on statements of police officers. He started his hunger strike on July the 10th this year, when his health and life were in danger after more than 40 days of hunger strike, a call was made on a number of anarchist webportals, on “Action for liberation of Iliopulos” and other activities such as propaganda, info-actions, meetings, discussions – with a goal of immediate release of Todoris. These actions were scheduled to start on August 24th at 8pm.

Media pressure – Preparation for a farce called “Terrorism”

The president of Serbia, Boris Tadić, has condemned the incident and in a conversation with Greek ambassador in Serbia, Dimostenis Stodis, threatened that the state will take all necessary steps to find and adequately punish the offenders, which announced the political process which will e held against six Begrade anarchists. The leading media in Serbia, have, by the order of state, started focusing their reporting towards making ideal circumstances neutralization and elimination of leftist groups as well as critical thinking in general. There were speculations of internationally coordinated terrorist actions via anarchist web-portals, after which the preparation meetig for Balkan Anarchistic Book Fair, which was held at the beginning of July of this year, was mentioned in the context of preparation for attack on Greek embassy, and finally a `source close with the investigation` has stated in the media that the case can be characterized as a terrorist attack, but at the moment no one can say that with certainty. `Good informed defense analysts` have also insinuated that the Serbian anarchists committed this act in order to be noticed by (demonized by the media) Greek anarchists ad by that get logistic and economic support from them. Zoran Dragisic, Assistant Professor of Faculty of safety and one of the founders of the new Social Democratic Party of Serbia, considered how it was an organized attack and that certain ideological and political intentions stand behind it: "Our security services should seriously address this group. Another problem is that the Embassy of a proven friendly country was attacked. All these left-wing and rightwing groups that resort to violence must be neutralized. Security services need to monitor all suspicious groups and then arrest those who committed violence. If the state can not stop them, it would be a sign that these groups are stronger than the state. We would then have to pay them taxes, not the state. It cannot be a question of whether the state can do this, it must! Anarchist as well as profascits groups are a serious threat to public order. From the security point of view, their ideological differences are irrelevant as long as they violate the law. It is necessary to urgently implement the arrest, court processing and impose harsh penalties, and the activities of the organization, must be under constant supervision, which is the work of BIA (safety and inteligence agency). "DragiĆĄić also pointed out that such activities can evolve into terrorism, and shouldn`t be underestimated. BoĆŸidar Spasić (former head of UDBA) considers that the aim of this action was a atraction of attention of Greek anarchists: "Such an attack could not be done without a good preparation and monitoring of the Embassy, where the security and the building itself was monitored for at least ten days, where someone was sitting in the surrounding cafes and all carefully recorded. It is a worrying factis that there was no reaction from embassy security during the attack on the building, but also a cooperation between Greek and Serbian police in providing information about the anarchists in their countrie." He adds that: "the anarchists in Greece have gotten so strong that in addition to wing, they also have an economic one that deals with the abductions of Greek tycoons, businessman and attacks banks, and thus acquire a huge amounts money used to finance the attacks. Because of that they are classified in rank with the most dangerous terrorist organizations like ETA and IRA." Until `Black Ilija` case, anarchists in Serbia haven`t been known to the public by the violent and radical actions. Activities os Serbian anarchists were known to the general public are sharing leaflets in front of faculties adn factorise, spraying graffities, publishing, and organizing cultural events and discussions, as well as participation in the workers' and student protests.

Arrest, investigation, and international terrorism

Members anarchosyndicalist initiative (ASI) Sanja Dojkić, Ratibor Trivunac, Tadej Kurepa and Ivan Vulovic, were on the 3rd of September detained in the police station suspected of having committed a criminal act of causing a general danger, where they remanded in custody for 48 hours. The police brutally carried out arrests, coming the in apartments without a warrant and ill-treating family members of our comrades. The next day, 4th of September, Nikola mItrović was also arrested, who is not a member anarchosyndicalist intitative, and the police announced wanted Ivan Savić, who also isn’t a member of ASI, and twas at the time on summer vacation. The investigating judge has, in a request for an investigation, classified the foregoing offenses as international terrorism (punishable by 3-15 years inprisonment) and a custody for all the arrested for a period of a month. Detained comrades were entitled to get in contact with lawyers and the right to a visit from close family members once in fifteen days. All other visits, communication with the public, and mutual communication among the arrested comrades were banned. The decision of the prosecution to start investigation with assumption the it is crime of international terrorism, it grew, until then unknown anarchist, a group of "Black Ilija" in the line of world-known terrorist organizations like al-Qaida, the IRA or the ETA . Immediately after the release of qualification, the media have published polic photos of the arresteded, with the titles that pronounce them guilty in advance. Special Prosecution spokesman Tomo Zorić said that "investigations is to show whether it is terrorism or an act of causing a general danger. What is not debatable is that they will certainly be accused of a crime. " After the publication of qualifications, Zoran Dragisic spoke again who said that "we should bear in mind that anarchists have a sort of its own International. However, the extent to which there is a connection between those who threw our Molotov cocktails at the Greek Embassy and the Greek anarchists, they advertise in their statement that they did that because of the situation in Greece, and this relationship is based on it. However, the real question is whether this relationship really exists and whether the attack on the embassy was inspired by the international anarchist movement." Vladimir Todorić from legal revue said that "throwing cocktails for political reasons at the Embassy of Greece which was officially exteritorial, meet some of the conditions for qualification of international terrorism", while in the other hand, lawyer Dragoljub Todorović, counsel of one of the suspects, said that in this case the consequences are missing, and that the embassy remained whole, and that the work was done at night with the apparent intention for no victims to be made. Lawyer dr Radonja Dubljević also representative of one of the six suspects, said that in connection with this case in there is some illogicality. "The first is that in the pre-trial proceedings, which led by the police, treated crime as causing general danger, which is designed for a prison sentence of up to five years, to the proceedings before the court there was a big turnaround, crime was treated as an international terrorism for which the prison sentence of three to 15 years. One must ask the question what happened in that short time interval, from the police to court. " Dubijević added that the prosecutor failed to take into account that the notion of terrorism has founded its own scientific definition and as a political and legal institutions defined, and that as such can not be made with a device such as a Molotov cocktail, or in this case, device that was thrown at the embassy of Greece. It is interesting that in the case of two Molotov cocktails thrown the Greek Embassy rated as a more difficult crime than burning the American Embassy, February 2008. in Belgrade, when one person lost his life in a fire inside the Embassy. In the burning of the American Embassy one person was accused of a crime causing general danger, for which the Criminal Code envisages punishment of one to six years imprisonment, while in the case of international terrorism punishment is three to fifteen years. This crime is one of the most difficult and is in the group with genocide and war crimes. The definition of terrorism is the premeditated use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to instillation of fear with the intention of coercion and intimidation of government and society to achieve goals that are generally political religious or ideological. Key elements of terrorism are a threat, violence, force, fear, political effect and purpose; psychological effect, a random selection of targets and victims, deliberately planned and systematically organized actions, a way of fighting against the legal act - from which it can be concluded that terrorism is an ilegal act of violence directed against a specific country with the intent to cause fear or collective damages, to achieve a political goal. The four main elements of terrorism are:

1. The objectives of the activities are usually always political, whether it is a regime shift, shift the person in power, secession of certain territory or parts.
2. The use of violence or threat of use of violence
3. The victims are usually innocent citizens
4. Lack of direct links between terrorists and victims, ie. attack is not directed towards the victim or victims individually, but the terrorist act would send a message to wider community.

Reactions of the public and the introduction of repression

On Sunday, 6th of September a protest was organized in solidarity with arrested comrades in front of the Philosophy Faculty in Belgrade. The protest was attended by about 40 anarchists and friends of those arrested, carrying a banner: IT WILL NOT PASS! Protesting against very hard qualifications imposed by the prosecution, and abuse of laws by the state to justify the use of repressive measures. In the proclamation read at the protest it was pointed out that :

"at the moment when the rights and freedoms in Serbia are seriously constrict by enactment amending the Criminal Code and Law on Public Information, the initiation of proceedings for an act of international terrorism against the six arrested, indicates the intention of certain state structures that increasing the degree of repression and abuse of legal provisions gradually discourage any political criticism of its actions. Therefore, we express solidarity with the arrested, demand that the meaningless charges against them be raised and seek their release."

Calling from a special antiterrorist unit base in Batajnica, Interior Minister Ivica Dačić said this is protest as purposeless and said that the police has evidence, but that the police is ready to admit that a mistake has been made if it is proven otherwise. For 11th September, a group of Belgrade University professors and public figures concerned with the announcement that against the six suspects for Molotov cocktail attack on the embassy of Greece in Serbia to be indicted that are they charged for an act of international terrorism, sent an open letter to the public. This group also said burning example of the U.S. Embassy during a protest after the declaration of independence, 21 February 2008, where the work with much greater consequences than seen much milder case of the Embassy of Greece where the effects were insignificant. The group alleges that the U.S. Embassy in Serbia was burned and that is substantially damaged by fire, while one of the attackers lost his life.

"The only participant in this attack which is found on the accused bench was charged with serious offenses against the enforcement of general safety. In contrast, the authorities breaking a window at the empty building of the Embassy of Greece, with two lighted bottles that have not led to a fire characterized as an act of international terrorism, as the work of the Serbian Criminal Code is in the list of the most serious crimes such as genocide, war crimes and conducting an aggressive war."

The signatories pointed that hey’re afraid that the paradoxical positioning of different law enforcement bodies under the two cases of politically conditioned parts of the current government efforts to improve the rating of the nationalist oriented part of the electorate. "It has a stimulating effect on the strengthening of the right extremist and chauvinist tendencies in our society, such as those that largely without major legal consequences, in early 2008 participated in the aforementioned burning of embassies in Belgrade" The international reaction to the arrest and accusing the Belgrade anarchists of International terrorism were more intense and frequent.

List of international solidarity actions in chronological order:

07.09 Poland, Warsaw - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
07.09 Slovakia, Bratislava - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
08.09Portugal, Lisbon - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
09.09Hrvatska, Zadar - Collecting donations on the street
09.09 Austria, Vienna - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
10:09 Slovenia, Ljubljana – graffiti sprayin the Embassy Serbia
11:09 Australia, Melbourne - a letter of protest Serbian Consulate
11:09 Austria Vienna - the second protest of solidarity
11:09 UK, London - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
14:09 Croatia, Zagreb - Protest of solidarity, protest letter to embassy
15:09 Russia, Moscow - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
15:09 Ukraine, Kiev - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
16:09 Greece, Athens / Thessaloniki - Protest in front of the embassy / consulate
Serbia
18:09 Netherlands, Hague - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
18:09 Bulgaria, Sofia - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
18:09 Germany, Berlin - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
19:09 Greece, Komotini - solidarity protest at the central square
25.09 Macedonia, Skopje - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
25/09 Germany, Frankfurt - Protest in front of the Consulate
28.09 United Kingdom, London - second protest
29/09 Hungary, Budapest - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia
01.10 Switzerland, Bern
02.10 and 03.10 of Spain, Madrid - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia and
protest in the town square
04.10 Russia, St Petersburg - Protest downtown
08.10 Italy, Trieste – graffiti spraying Serbian Consulate
17:10 France, Paris - protest on the square Bobur, occupation of the Serbian Cultural Center
19:10 Germany, Frankfurt - protest at Book Fair
22:10 Turkey, Ankara - Protest in front of the Embassy of Serbia

The desire of government to criminalize ASI as an organization and prohibit it at the end, became apparent when, on September 15th, during a wave of creating atmosphere of fear, in some media an obviously false news appeared, how Anarcho-syndicalist Initiative will use "pride parade" to attack the police in the streets of Belgrade and avenge the arrested comrades.

Events that followed, the Serbian government will use to open the introduction of state repression.

Since the "Pride parade" was scheduled for September the 20th, tensions in the Serbian public scene grew since the spring, but have reached the culmination on18th of September evening, when a French citizen Brice Taton was brutally beate. He was kept in hospital for treatment, in critical condition, and the same night was, due to severity of his injuries, subjected to a series of surgical procedures. State Public Prosecutor's Office, "shocked" by violence, has condemned attacks on French tourists and announced that he will seek the strictest prison punishment. The "Pride parade" the following day, 19th of September, however, is prohibited with the explanation that the police and security services are unable to guarantee the safety of parade participants, and officials have stated that the State capitulated before the violence and profascist groups. The same day, police banned the holding of meetings in downtown Belgrade, under the pretext that it could lead to violent acts. Farce directed by the state, called the struggle against violence, was continued by the arrests of members of nationalist organizations "1389" and members of the clericalfascist organization "Obraz", due to the occurrence of unauthorized gathering. Interior Minister Ivica Dačić said that "the state will decisively deal with everyone who is threatening with violence and that public meetings cannot be held in downtown Belgrade, where there is a threat of endangering life and property. The police will, as much as it is in its power, prevent all kinds of attacks, and will be repressive to extremist groups that threaten the various parties, organizations and movements. " Officials of the police are once again emphasized that "and in the future" in the center of Belgrade, for security reasons will not be allowed holding of public meetings. "Police has on the 20th of September arrested 37 activists of rightwing organizations for violating ban on gatherings in public places, and four of them were detained in prison for up to 30 days. Ministry of Justice on 22nd of September launched an initiative to ban any organization whose members propagate violence and carry out criminal acts. And then President of Serbia Boris Tadić announces that "all extremists, left or right, will be prosecuted before our courts." In Article 55 Serbian the Constitution states that the Constitutional Court may prohibit the association which is aimed at violent overthrow of constitutional order, violation of guaranteed human or minority rights, inciting racial, national or religious hatred.

Indictment for international terrorism

Investigation ended after two months, on 3rd of November, prosecutor and the Belgrade District Court and the Trial Chamber by a unanimous decision filed for international terrorism against six anarchists from Belgrade, and extended their detention for another month on Article 42 paragraph 1 point 3 CPC (when punishable penalty for a crime is more than 10 years, the accused has no right to defend himself with freedom), while the indictment says that there is fear that the offense will be repeated because the defendants are members, and supporters of ASI.

Winnipeg's "Strategic Partners"

Winnipeg IWW @ Thursday, December 17, 2009
Water, War and Disaster Profiteers
by
David Anton Jacks

Learn what you are supporting with your tax dollars.

The City of Winnipeg noted the potential private interests who have bid to finance, plan and potentially operate upgrades to Winnipeg's water and waste water treatment facilities.

We were expected to put trust in Mayor Sam Katz following his statements at the July 22nd Council meeting that we have nothing to fear with respect to the strategic partnership and that “the sky isn't red, the world isn't flat, we're not privatizing water”

This may or may not be true, but after conducting a very quick “google” search on these companies, I think we should be raising some red flags.

Monday’s presentation at the University of Winnipeg by Maude Barlow (Senior Advisor on Water to the 63rd President of the United Nations General Assembly) warned Winnipeggers about these companies that are “coming to a community near you”.

Now we see she was right- they are already here.

Winnipeggers will be investing tax dollars in support of for-profit corporations that have reputations of corruption, military contracts, human rights violations and poor labour practices (Katz said Labour has nothing to fear...hmm?)
The City’s own reports outline that there is no reason that the existing Water and Waste department can’t handle this contract on its own, and that existing services are already adequate.

Yet we are now willing to accept the costs (both financial and ethical) associated with the contract soon to be taken up by one of these multinational private conglomerates.

With the Free Press noting the potential bids for our facilities, we need to let Katz know that the best, most ethical and only strategic partner for this project is the public.

Veolia

Veolia (formerly Vivendi) has a growing reputation as a corrupt multi-national water profiteer.

Veolia, through its subsidiary “Veolia Environment” has recently been forced to withdraw from its transportation project in Israel following criticism and public backlash for it’s development of "illegal" transportation infrastructure to facilitate further settlements into the West Bank.

Stockholm Council rejected Veolia’s bid for a project in Sweden after citizens took action recognizing that they will not support Veolia due to their practices in other countries.

“As late as the day before the decision the Stockholm community council received lists with thousands of signatories from people demanding the council to choose an operator who was (not) associated with violations against international humanitarian law.”

CH2M Hill

CH2M Hill has a reputation as a "disaster and war profiteer", privatizing essential emergency relief services as highlighted by Naomi Klein in Shock Doctrine : “CH2M Hill was and is really at the vanguard of this privatized disaster response” also noting that in the case of Sandy Springs that "The entire city infrastructure doesn't work for the city government, but works for CH2M Hill."

CH2M Hill received a number of military contracts in US occupied Iraq, profiting off of the conflict. In one case, the US government pulled a contract with CH2M Hill over cost over-runs.

Black and Veatch

Black and Veatch has held contracts for a number of construction projects in Iraq for the US government, again profiting off the conflict.

B&V is among the largest engineering and consultant firms in the world, is a strong Washington lobbyist and has contributed to the election campaigns of senior elected US government officials. It is also noted that B&V has a history of unfair labour practices.

In my own opinion: enough is enough.

Regardless of which company is chosen, or if the City searches for a private company with a “better” track record, Sam Katz has clearly shown that he is not interested in public concerns, ethical business practices or due process.

This entire process has gone too far, for too long. Water is a public trust and human right- we cannot permit our tax dollars to be spent supporting companies that actively violate those rights whether in Winnipeg, or in other communities around the globe.

What do you think?

Wednesday, December 16, 2009

CLAC Attack! in Saskatchewan

Winnipeg IWW @ Wednesday, December 16, 2009

The reactionary Christian Labour Association of Canada is on the march after it's continuing drive to depress wages and be the bosses choice in Alberta. Now it is turning it's eye on Saskatchewan, where the right-wing "Saskatchewan Party" (a re-branding of the old Progressive Conservative Party) is trying to force though a bill that would Let contractors - not workers - choose the union to represent workers, lead to lower wages for construction worker and end province wide collective agreements in order to destabilize unions in the construction industry.

Here is some more information from Owls and Roosters Blog for via Molly Blog on the CLAC's intentions in Saskatchewan:

Christian Labour Association of Canada promotes slashing minimum wage for young adults; Wall gov’t hiding Bill 80 information from public


he StarPhoenix reported last month that the number of people using food banks in Saskatchewan in 2009 rose six per cent over last year. In Saskatoon, usage rose by 12 per cent. [Food bank usage rises (StarPhoenix, November 18, 2009)]

Regina Food Bank CEO Wayne Hellquist told the Leader-Post recently the food bank needs to feed a record number of families this Christmas.

“The fastest increase we’ve seen in any user group is what we call the working poor. They hold down a job, they might hold down more than one part-time job, they’re earning $10 an hour, but they're trying to feed and clothe and keep their family on $10 or $12 an hour. And if you do the math, it’s virtually impossible. If you’re spending $800 to $1,000 a month on housing, there’s not much left over at the end of the day to insure that your family has a great Christmas,” Hellquist said.

In all, the food bank needs to prepare Christmas hampers for at least 1,800 families – as many as 250 families and 1,500 individuals more than last year. Hellquist also pointed out nearly half of the food bank’s clientele are kids. [Food bank helping more than ever this year (Leader-Post, December 4, 2009)]

On December 4, 2009, the StarPhoenix reported that the wage gap in Saskatchewan is getting worse.

Legions of Saskatchewan workers – general labourers, retail employees, office staff and care home workers – are surviving at or just above the minimum wage of $9.25 an hour, Saskatchewan News Network senior reporter Jason Warick wrote.

Despite Saskatchewan’s image as a bastion of social equality, the separation between high- and low-income earners continues to widen.

“The gap between the richest and poorest families in Saskatchewan has increased dramatically over the past generation and has mushroomed since 2000 -- during the best of economic times,” former University of Regina sociology professor Paul Gingrich wrote in his study Boom and Bust: The growing income gap in Saskatchewan.

According to the study, released in September, Saskatchewan’s income gap is now the largest of all provinces. The richest 10 per cent of Saskatchewan families take home 28 per cent of all income, while those in the entire bottom half earned 20 per cent, Warrick wrote.

Although Saskatchewan’s unemployment rate is low, much of the recent job growth has occurred in the typically low-paying service sector.

“The thought was that Saskatchewan was more egalitarian -- that just isn’t what the figures say,” Gingrich said in an interview.

“It’s a pretty bad situation for the bottom 10 or 20 per cent.”

A growing income gap will lead to a divided society, higher crime rates and poorer overall health, Gingrich said. [Wage disparity widens in Sask. (StarPhoenix, December 4, 2009)]

The provincial minimum wage board reviews the minimum wage every two years.

On September 25, 2009, the provincial government announced that a review was underway and invited the public to submit their opinions and concerns with the minimum wage by October 30, 2009.

It seems as far as the Christian Labour Association of Canada (CLAC) is concerned, the minimum wage is too generous for some people.

In its October 23, 2009, submission to the board CLAC recommends slashing the minimum wage by 10 per cent for people under the age of 21 years.

“A lower minimum wage rate for young and single adults encourages companies to hire youth who require work experience and on-the-job skills training. This approach offers young people opportunities to develop their skills for long term employment beyond summer and occasional employment while they attend school,” said the letter’s author, Chris Bosch, CLAC’s director of research and education.

Bosch says a high minimum wage for young people encourages early withdrawal from school and notes that public policy should encourage young people to get essential workplace skills while they attend school.

CLAC’s recommendation seems ill conceived and contradicts other statements in its submission.

Bosch notes that “a guaranteed minimum wage is an important provision for workers.” He said it attempts to provide adequate incomes to young people entering the labour market for the first time; for low-skilled adults workers who, in many cases and through no-fault of their own, are not candidates for higher-paid employment but still require the means to provide for themselves; and for single-parent households where the ravages of child poverty are most apparent.

Incredibly, Bosch says CLAC is “a labour union concerned for the welfare of Saskatchewan workers.”

What kind of labour union fights for lower wages that would cause additional hardship for those barely getting by or push others on the bubble over the edge into even greater poverty and despair?

Not only does the CLAC proposal discriminate against a person’s age it would also penalize young and single adults with children. It would hurt those under 21 years of age that aren’t in school or not living at home. It would also hammer first and second year post secondary students trying to hold down a job while they’re in school.

Present legislation does not permit CLAC to unionize construction companies in Saskatchewan. Construction workers who work for unionized sites must join the union associated with their particular trade. Bargaining is held on a province wide basis by trade.

CLAC, along with business lobby groups like the Saskatchewan Chamber of Commerce, lobbied the right wing Saskatchewan Party government to change the legislation.

On March 10, 2009, their wish was granted as the provincial government introduced amendments to The Construction Industry Labour Relations Act, 1992 (CILRA) that would allow groups like CLAC to organize in Saskatchewan.

According to records obtained through a freedom of information request, Paul de Jong, the Prairies director of the CLAC, and Mike Carr, an associate deputy minister with Advanced Education, Employment and Labour (AEEL), were in contact up to a week before the bill’s introduction.

In a March 3, 2009, email to Carr, de Jong alluded to an earlier conversation and seemed to be providing information that Carr requested.

“When we last spoke,” de Jong said. “You reminded me that it would be helpful to provide some sense of how many members we have working in, or based from, Saskatchewan. Using 2008 statistics, it would appear that we have 1270 members who live in Saskatchewan, and work elsewhere (typically in Alberta). However, some of these members actually both live and work in SK, as we have contractors such as Pyramid Electrical Corporation, who have permanent/ongoing maintenance work within the province. Also, contractors have, and continue to, work in the province on a variety of construction projects. On these projects CLAC continues to represent the employees, but with the crucial difference being that we are not able to conclude a legal collective agreement on which those members can rely.

“Many of our contractors continue to ask me about our prospects in SK, as they, notwithstanding the current economic slowdown, are in a position to bid on a variety of infrastructure and private sector construction projects that continue to be released. These contractors are very keen to see evidence that they/we can operate legally within the province.

“Any updated information you could provide about the legislative process would be much appreciated.”

Carr replied on March 4, 2009: “Paul this is very helpful thanks. We are moving ahead as planned and expect to have some positive announcements perhaps as early as next week. We will be touch. Thanks again.”

Carr did indeed keep in touch with de Jong sending him at least three more emails with the last one coming on the day the legislation was introduced.

Confident of success CLAC opened an office in Saskatoon on July 1, 2009. [Bill 80, new union threat to construction workers: SFL (StarPhoenix, June 24, 2009)]

Speaking at a North Saskatoon Business Association luncheon on November 27, 2009, AEEL Minister Rob Norris told a crowd of more than 200 people that the legislation would pass.

“Bill 80 is a priority for this government. This bill is going to pass,” Norris said. [Bill 80 will pass, Norris tells crowd (StarPhoenix, November 28, 2009)]

During that same week households in Regina and Saskatoon received a feel good colour brochure from CLAC promoting the so-called union and Bill 80.

Oddly, the one thing the pamphlet didn’t say is what the CLAC acronym stands for. Not once is the word Christian mentioned. It’s assumed the reason for this is they’re afraid of scaring people off. That in itself says a lot.

The flyer appears to fulfill one of the group’s objectives outlined in its original constitution and by-laws adopted at the first convention on April 24, 1954: “To reach its aim the C.L.A. of C. shall… Make propaganda by the written and spoken word for Christian economic and industrial principles and their proper application; and counteract the unwholesome propaganda of radical labour groups inspired by anarchistic or communistic principles.”

CLAC’s aim as stated in the constitution is: “To organize workers in trade and industrial unions, for the purpose of propagating, establishing and maintaining justice in the sphere of labour and industry, and promoting the economic, social and moral interests of the workers through the practical application of Christian principles in collective bargaining and other means of mutual aid or protection.”

The language used in CLAC’s current literature may have softened since then but the underlying aim, principles and objectives generally seem to be the same.

The provincial government, meanwhile, is continuing to hide information about Bill 80 from the public.

In response to an access to information request made October 20, 2009, AEEL released two heavily censored briefing notes dated September 15 and October 8, 2009, in which ministry officials completely blacked out the ‘key messages’ portion in each. Also redacted were details on the bill’s current status.

For most briefing notes it’s the key messages that are used by ministers or senior staff to sell a particular initiative to the public. In this case if the key messages aren’t for the public then who are they for?

The Brad Wall government contends that Bill 80 will be good for Saskatchewan but at the same time goes out of its way to withhold as much information as possible.
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Here's some more information from the Edmonton Branch on the CLAC in Alberta. See Here for more
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Who is CLAC and why are we picketing them?

Members of the Christian Reformed Church, a Dutch Calvinist Church from the United States, founded the Christian Labour Association of Canada (CLAC) fifty years ago. Its membership in Canada grew as Dutch Immigrants came here after WWII.

As a right wing evangelical church, the members formed a labour association that was to be less political then the other unions in the Canadian Labour movement. As an evangelical Christian labour association CLAC believes in giving unto Caesar what is Caesars. They do not promote workers rights but the belief that workers should supplicate themselves before the boss cap in hand and ask “please sir can I ‘ave some more.”

Is CLAC a union?

NO. It is an association, and as such has spent the past 50 years trying to get recognized as a union by provincial and federal labour relations boards.

They are an association that bargains on behalf of workers. When they approach and employer they do not act on behalf of the workers but begin negotiations as labour management consultants. Their approach is to offer the boss a docile bargaining agent on behalf of his employees. The boss and CLAC then promote the association to the employees as a ‘union’, one that is approved of by the employer.

What is the advantage the bosses see in CLAC?

As a fake union CLAC keeps real unions out of the workplace. An employer would rather deal with a pro boss association then a real union of workers.

It also allows the employer to keep their employees isolated from the rest of the labour movement. Contracts are negotiated not between the workers and the boss but between CLAC Labour Management consultants and the boss on behalf of the workers.

CLAC does NOT believe in unionization

CLAC promotes the idea not only of the open shop, where you don’t have to be a union member to get a job, but also getting rid of the Rand Formula where once a union has 51% of the employees support all employees are represented by the union.

They believe in the right wing idea that no one should be forced to be in a union, even if the business is unionized. Only those workers who want a union should be ‘forced’ to be in it. This is the same ideology of the right wing lobby the National Citizens Coalition, and the right wing think tank the Fraser Institute.

CLAC is Not Democratic.

Workers in a CLAC association are ‘represented’ by consultants, who run the association and decide who will be association representatives. There is no trade union democracy in CLAC. Member pay dues but have no say in how the Association runs. CLAC is anti-democratic.

"The majority of CLAC's members in Alberta come from workplaces certified through voluntary recognition. That means that nobody in these workplaces ever voted to certify CLAC as the union - nobody except CLAC itself and the employer that is.” Kerry Barrett, President, Alberta Federation of Labour

CLAC Raids Other Unions.

In Alberta CLAC has been the ‘union’ of choice of the Merit Shops, the non-union construction industry in the province. CLAC likes Merit Shops and represents several of them.

They also represent workers at Save On Foods. They have a sweetheart deal with born again Christian Jim Pattison who owns Save On Foods. Pattison wanted CLAC in so he could keep UFCW out.

The Alberta government has changed the Labour Relations Act to allow the Horizon Oil Sands Project to be non-union, and allow for importing cheap labour from abroad. Horizon has a deal with CLAC to represent these non-union workers.





Articles not so designated do not reflect the IWW’s or the Winnipeg GMB's official position.